Now that both the November elections and the November budget
forecast is behind us, the political dynamics associated with the 2013
legislative session is much clearer. The
evaporation of GOP influence across all levels of state governance was
admittedly a bit surprising. However,
what was not surprising was the rhetoric from both parties regarding their
reaction to the November economic forecast projecting an upcoming biennial budget
deficit of $1.1 billion. While
representatives of both parties were quick to agree that such a deficit was
much more manageable than the $5+ billion deficit faced 2 years ago, their respective
solutions were predictably routine. Almost
immediately after the forecast was released Republican voices were emphasizing
that the current biennial balance of approximately $1 billion was a “surplus”
and that there was no need for any tax increases. Equally predictable was DFL Governor Dayton’s
call for higher income tax rates on Minnesota’s top earners; a call he has made
since his 2010 election.
To say that we need a new conversation about taxes in this
state is obvious. How else can you
explain such rhetoric? First, suggesting
that Minnesota has a budget surplus is like your brother-in-law telling you that
he received a $500 raise and therefore has more money to spend, all the while
ignoring the fact that he still owes $20,000 on his credit card. Similarly, calling for higher income taxes on
the rich (or anybody) simply exacerbates Minnesota’s already disproportionate
dependence on the income tax. So before
both parties stake their ground on these all too-familiar positions, can’t we
try to change the conversation?
One idea that has been around for quite a while, but seldom
seriously addressed is the notion of broadening the sales tax base. The arguments for changing the conversation
in this direction are two-fold; and from my perspective compelling. The first is that since the establishment of the
sales tax in 1967, our Minnesota economy has fundamentally shifted from one
that produces “goods” to one that delivers “services.” However, the current sales tax is primarily imposed
on the purchase of goods and not the delivery of services. This means that each year as our economy continues
to transform, the sales tax becomes less relevant and effective.
Such deliberate policy decisions to exclude certain goods or
services from the collection of sales tax is often called a “tax expenditure,”
and Minnesota has plenty of them. But
the decision to exclude many consumer and business services is a big one. According to a study by the Public Strategies
Group in 2009, the inclusion of many consumer and business services currently
exempt from the sales tax could yield up to $2 billion in additional revenue
per year. In light of the fact that the
projected biennial budget deficit is $1.1 billion, isn’t such a change in
conversation worthwhile?
The
second reason for looking more closely at these tax expenditures is that while
the appropriated general fund budget must be debated and approved line-by-line
by legislators and signed by the Governor every biennium, once a tax
expenditure is approved by the legislature it remains in place until the
legislature intentionally modifies or repeals it. In simple terms, this means that after being
passed a tax expenditure go on “auto-pilot” and remains in place for
decades without any legislative discussion or review. Is this really the best way to legislate tax
policy?
Of
course the high profile “poster child” for such sales tax exemptions is the one
on clothing; an exemption that many suggest is woven into the cultural fabric
of Minnesotans. But the truth is that there are many sales tax exemptions that no
one would ever want to change; such as the sales tax exemption on prescription
drugs, groceries, and yes … clothing.
But just because we can agree on a variety of such exemptions is not a
rationale for ignoring a thorough review of the more than 200 such tax
expenditures currently in statute (yes … over 200!). For example, do we really still need a sales
tax exemption on newspapers and magazines ($65 million); an exemption on
telecommunications equipment ($26 million); or an exemption on farm machinery
($36 million)?
My
point here is not to specifically pick on these exemptions, but rather to point
out that collectively these special tax breaks add up to more than $11 billion in
revenues not collected (Public Strategies Group, 2009). And as noted
above, once enacted these tax exemptions tend to go on auto-pilot. Could a thorough review of all these tax
expenditures by the Legislative Auditor lead to the elimination of at least one
out of every ten of these exemptions?
Now that would totally change the conversation!
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